Last week Islamist dominated Somali lawmakers threatened to veto half of the new government’s cabinet nominees. They are also threatening to throw out those who have helped him to come to the power nearly two years ago through the corrupt and unconstitutional Djibouti Peace Process, including many of who have ties with former Union of Islamic Courts and former warlords who were a part of the TFG parliament.
Now the parliaments are regrouping to chuck out his new cabinet candidates and perhaps his weak Prime Minister Mr. Sharmarke who has ignored lawmakers call to bring the list of the cabinet ministers for approval.

Tainted by fraud and lack of integrity and ability to govern, Sheikh Sharif is unskilled former Islamist who has been projected as able leader who can face the conquering Al-Shabab forces whom he once commanded which are advancing to control government held areas of Mogadishu after controlling most of the southern and central of Somalia.

Unfortunately, with all the support provided by the international community and the Somali people’s hope to drive out the radical Islamist, Sharif has failed to capitalize that opportunity; instead he has concentrated to corruption and expensive tours in foreign capitals. This sort of attitude has paralyzed Sharif’s administration and denied him to advance the rule of his government beyond the few blocks of Mogadishu.

Furthermore, his support to Prime Minister Sharmarke’s second attempt to form a cabinet has raised concerns of illegality and a return to patronage politics with a batch of largely unknown figures of newly formed Ahlu Sunnah Wal-jamma Organisation, corrupted warlords and former UIC members that appear to have Islamist connections. Analysts say that many of the new cabinet names from ASW and members from Sheriff’s UIC submitted for parliament’s approval – have little or no experience in government administrations, raising the risk even more of failure for TFG. “Shariff is not even able to form a functioning government, forget about ending a political crisis of war-ravaged nation that has been gradually overtaken by Al-Qaeda affiliated Al-Shabab Islamist fighters.” Says one analyst.

Most of these guys are unknown to the Somali people,” said Mohamed Ghelle – noting that many nominees are aligned with formerly ousted warlords, corrupted powerful parliament speaker and former Islamic fundamentalists that supported Shariff to come into the power. No one who had connection with the prime minister and the two Shariffs with regional or clan blocs of influence had been left out, in what appeared to be a return to the politics of reward for support. Sharif wants to survive and that means to him no organised opponent. So as such no one in previous governments is left out except former Defense and foreign Ministers ” he said.

Prof. Gandi is well respected politician who criticized the corruption and Shariff’s government, its failure to organize national army capable to fight against the Islamists. As a Defense minister Prof. Gandi planned to recruit and train well disciplined army, but all efforts were undermined by the two Sheriffs who strongly opposed former national army recall and others trained in Kenya to take defense posts in Southern regions of Jubba and Gedo.

Shariff opted for continuity over change in the list of cabinet nominees retaining some names supported by the Ethiopia but also several viewed as incompetent and three accused of most awful involvement in fraud that tainted donor relations.

Approving the cabinet nominees was the first major test of whether Sheik Shariff and his prime Minister would make the type of leadership required in Mogadishu at this crucial time. By those standards, the cabinet list was not encouraging, although political analysts say it reflected the real face of governing a country riven apart by clan and political divisions.

Of the 39 nominees, slightly more than half are ministers who would stay in their current positions or who have served previous governments. The list did not include even a credible token member except the finance and foreign ministers whom are both new in the cabinet.

The finance minister Mr. Hussein Halane is at least the only known senior administrator who worked in many decades at the US based charity; Save the children.

Since UN monitoring group criticized TFG over the corruption, the International community officials have appeared to focus on putting a good face on new cabinet and on what they concluded would be the best of several bad options on TFG cabinet choices: keeping a some old warlords like Qaybdid who has been alleged committing war crimes because of his powerful Sa’ad clan militia. Despite lingering questions about his integrity, his militias presence in Mogadishu – corridor are crucial for TFG.

In his presentation at Chatham house last week , the ICG – Somalia expert -Rashid Abdi, who authored recent report on Somalia Islamist, questioned whether donors should commit any more troops and resources to Somalia because the government lacked legitimacy. He said it is impossible for the donors to support such powerless president and countless cabinet.

“Unfortunately, the international community has given every possible support to Sharif but he is not forth-coming since he took the power,” said “They (donors) are trying their best to support him, but we are witnessing that they are supporting incapable corrupted officials.”

Mr Ghelle, an analyst of Somalia affairs said that the problem with the International community approach was that it focused on individual ministers, while, he said, the entire system was troubled.
“The donors are pondering personalities instead of institutions,” he said. “This country needs a functioning legislative body, a functioning executive branch and a functioning judiciary. If we don’t have these institutions, personalities don’t matter, we need government that can capitalize resource and support given and mobilize the nation to defeat the Islamist.”

Over all, Mr Shariff pick’s reflected the realities of being a weak leader in a frail government. He tries to satisfy the very many groups that do not play a role his government’s immediate campaign to face the Islamist.

Some choices, like that of Hussein Halane as finance Minister and Ahmed Abdisalam of National security post, appeared calculated to please Western donors and Ahlu-sunna Wal-Jama. The scions of powerful political figures with strong ties to both Ethiopia and West- The choice of Mr. Halane, is particularly considered important to him since he could help maintain donor trust. The new cabinet includes several women after few women nominees was initially criticized, but analysts said political connections and not competence appeared to be the main qualification for many in the new line-up. Other nominees have links to powerful parliament speaker who helped Sharif to come the power in the Djibouti process, analysts said.

Despite this dissatisfaction with the TFG government’s lack of progress under Sheikh Shariff, there is no clear replacement. Many like the new Security Minister and former defense Minister are tabbed the most likely contenders for his job. Also Prof. Gandi, who served under Shariff in last 1.8 months, has the greater name recognition.

TFG leadership – both the president and prime minister — should take the responsibility required to solve country’s problem as the international community helps implement a policy that will clear out terrorist groups

Good people this is my premise: – At the onset of the constitutional referendum debates, Kenya’s Prime Minister Raila Odinga hit the campaign trail first in favour of the draft law. He was at the driving seat of the vehicle that was to deliver the law to Kenyans which has been a strong campaign slogan in both the 2007 infamous polls and the 2002 elections that trounced KANU from power.

During the Yes campaign launch rally in Uhuru Park Nairobi, Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka was heckled by ODM supporters predominantly from Raila’s Langata constituency. The VP later held a press conference flanked by PNU heavy-weights and announced that the party was considering going it alone in campaigns. The PM launched immediately a joint PNU and ODM secretariat, saying there was no other team recognized by the Yes camp outside the said Secretariat.

This explains the enduring opposition to the constitution by Eastern Province, political bedrock of Mr. Musyoka.To these people their son Musyoka has all chances to become president were it not for PM’s political tricks that often leaves the VP outdone. Therefore, Raila is their enemy and when he takes a stand he should be opposed on those grounds.

Another vital factor in the 2012 presidential polls matrix is Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta who initially remained ambivalent prompting analysts to aver that he was technically in the No camp led by former Youth for Kanu allies Higher Education Minister William Ruto and Lugari MP Cyrus Jirongo. But with Raila temporarily out of the 2012 “presidential beauty contest” Uhuru has strongly come out to campaign for the draft law.

Both the VP and Uhuru stayed aloof as the Yes team then under PM and encouraged by President Kibaki staggered to match the then well oiled No team campaign machine. The Raila camp in the coalition government and Yes camp emboldened by the VP’s oscillation went ahead to declare that there were water melons in the government; green (Yes referendum colour) out and red (No camp colour) inside. This was in reference to rumours that a majority of Musyoka and Uhuru supporters in the government were preaching against the draft constitution at night and saying Yes during the day. Central and Eastern including parts of Nairobi appeared opposed to the draft law as long as Raila was the leader of the Yes team.

Fearing to be eclipsed by Raila, former Justice Minister and proclaimed presidential candidate in the forthcoming elections Martha Karua announced that she will not be part of the government team campaigning for the constitution but her NARC-Kenya party would go alone as they belonged not to the PNU conglomerate.

But as fate would have it the PM was taken ill and underwent a head surgery that contained him at his Karen Residence. Events immediately took a different turn.

First coming as a blessing in disguise to the Yes camp, some form of unity of purpose was achieved and President Kibaki came out strongly asking his Central Province Kikuyu community to vote for the constitution if not for its benefits, to give him a chance to leave a legacy. Those in Central opposed to the draft law started drifting back. The popular Environment Minister John Michuki publicly declared his support for the constitution only because of his 50 years friendship with the president. MP Jamleck Kamau, a close ally of Uhuru withdrew his Bill meant to stall the referendum from parliament and said Kibaki was his father and he had no otherwise but to follow his direction.

Meanwhile the PM tried hard to keep afloat by hosting numerous good-will delegations to his home where a forum is afforded for him to contribute to the constitution campaigns. With the help of top civil servants and US ambassador Michael Ranneberger who regularly briefed the PM on developments, Raila managed to occasionally pop-up in the media. However, the US envoy was cowed by accusations from the NO team that he was bribing people and stage-managing defections reminiscence of former President Moi’s KANU tact. Civil servants have nevertheless shamelessly moved ahead with their partisan campaigns in contravention of the Public Ethics Law.

All in all, latest developments seem to indicate despondency among Raila diehards like Kilome MP Haroun Mwau who has now thrown his weight behind the NO team. ODM kingpins such as Medical Services Minister Anyang Nyongo and Lands Minister James Orengo have receded to their home turfs to ostensibly convince PM followers that their man still supports the draft law.

This is what has caused a re-alignment in many areas with much drama in VP’s Ukambani region. The danger of involving civil servants in any electoral process as the Elections’ commission (IIEC) chairman Hassan Issak feebly lamented, is that the clamour for Ministerial, senate and governor’s positions provided for in the proposed constitution has started to steam. Permanent secretaries and other top civil servants have gained an opening to market themselves and test the waters before the 2012 polls.

Let’s look deeper and listen with our minds: President Kibaki has become fully energized and single handedly delivering a blow to the No camp with his reconciliatory calls for amendments and increase of counties after passing the proposed law. VP Kalonzo Musyoka has capitalized on the president’s “office clout” to market himself to Kenyans.   Raila and his men have not missed out on this. The PM will re-emerge, perhaps with a soul of vengeance against the hapless VP.

The stoning of a Helicopter carrying government Minister in the Yes camp by a rival group allied to Foreign Affairs Minister also supporting the draft law add to the already emerging political undercurrents that will definitely split the coalition government down in the middle. It is now crystal clear that the referendum is a barometer for the 2012 Presidential vote. 

The coalition government faces the greatest unity test during and after the draft constitution referendum. The 2012 presidential positioning undercurrents have eventually emerged to plague the hitherto coherent coalition government.

Good people this is my premise: – At the onset of the constitutional referendum debates, Kenya’s Prime Minister Raila Odinga hit the campaign trail first in favour of the draft law. He was at the driving seat of the vehicle that was to deliver the law to Kenyans which has been a strong campaign slogan in both the 2007 infamous polls and the 2002 elections that trounced KANU from power.

During the Yes campaign launch rally in Uhuru Park Nairobi, Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka was heckled by ODM supporters predominantly from Raila’s Langata constituency. The VP later held a press conference flanked by PNU heavy-weights and announced that the party was considering going it alone in campaigns. The PM launched immediately a joint PNU and ODM secretariat, saying there was no other team recognized by the Yes camp outside the said Secretariat.

This explains the enduring opposition to the constitution by Eastern Province, political bedrock of Mr. Musyoka.To these people their son Musyoka has all chances to become president were it not for PM’s political tricks that often leaves the VP outdone. Therefore, Raila is their enemy and when he takes a stand he should be opposed on those grounds.

Another vital factor in the 2012 presidential polls matrix is Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta who initially remained ambivalent prompting analysts to aver that he was technically in the No camp led by former Youth for Kanu allies Higher Education Minister William Ruto and Lugari MP Cyrus Jirongo. But with Raila temporarily out of the 2012 “presidential beauty contest” Uhuru has strongly come out to campaign for the draft law.

Both the VP and Uhuru stayed aloof as the Yes team then under PM and encouraged by President Kibaki staggered to match the then well oiled No team campaign machine. The Raila camp in the coalition government and Yes camp emboldened by the VP’s oscillation went ahead to declare that there were water melons in the government; green (Yes referendum colour) out and red (No camp colour) inside. This was in reference to rumours that a majority of Musyoka and Uhuru supporters in the government were preaching against the draft constitution at night and saying Yes during the day. Central and Eastern including parts of Nairobi appeared opposed to the draft law as long as Raila was the leader of the Yes team.

Fearing to be eclipsed by Raila, former Justice Minister and proclaimed presidential candidate in the forthcoming elections Martha Karua announced that she will not be part of the government team campaigning for the constitution but her NARC-Kenya party would go alone as they belonged not to the PNU conglomerate.

But as fate would have it the PM was taken ill and underwent a head surgery that contained him at his Karen Residence. Events immediately took a different turn.

First coming as a blessing in disguise to the Yes camp, some form of unity of purpose was achieved and President Kibaki came out strongly asking his Central Province Kikuyu community to vote for the constitution if not for its benefits, to give him a chance to leave a legacy. Those in Central opposed to the draft law started drifting back. The popular Environment Minister John Michuki publicly declared his support for the constitution only because of his 50 years friendship with the president. MP Jamleck Kamau, a close ally of Uhuru withdrew his Bill meant to stall the referendum from parliament and said Kibaki was his father and he had no otherwise but to follow his direction.

Meanwhile the PM tried hard to keep afloat by hosting numerous good-will delegations to his home where a forum is afforded for him to contribute to the constitution campaigns. With the help of top civil servants and US ambassador Michael Ranneberger who regularly briefed the PM on developments, Raila managed to occasionally pop-up in the media. However, the US envoy was cowed by accusations from the NO team that he was bribing people and stage-managing defections reminiscence of former President Moi’s KANU tact. Civil servants have nevertheless shamelessly moved ahead with their partisan campaigns in contravention of the Public Ethics Law.

All in all, latest developments seem to indicate despondency among Raila diehards like Kilome MP Haroun Mwau who has now thrown his weight behind the NO team. ODM kingpins such as Medical Services Minister Anyang Nyongo and Lands Minister James Orengo have receded to their home turfs to ostensibly convince PM followers that their man still supports the draft law.

This is what has caused a re-alignment in many areas with much drama in VP’s Ukambani region. The danger of involving civil servants in any electoral process as the Elections’ commission (IIEC) chairman Hassan Issak feebly lamented, is that the clamour for Ministerial, senate and governor’s positions provided for in the proposed constitution has started to steam. Permanent secretaries and other top civil servants have gained an opening to market themselves and test the waters before the 2012 polls.

Let’s look deeper and listen with our minds: President Kibaki has become fully energized and single handedly delivering a blow to the No camp with his reconciliatory calls for amendments and increase of counties after passing the proposed law. VP Kalonzo Musyoka has capitalized on the president’s “office clout” to market himself to Kenyans.   Raila and his men have not missed out on this. The PM will re-emerge, perhaps with a soul of vengeance against the hapless VP.

The stoning of a Helicopter carrying government Minister in the Yes camp by a rival group allied to Foreign Affairs Minister also supporting the draft law add to the already emerging political undercurrents that will definitely split the coalition government down in the middle. It is now crystal clear that the referendum is a barometer for the 2012 Presidential vote.

However, government figures shows that oil potential is more than 200 million barrels while daily production would be 300,000 barrels. Uganda’s daily consumption is only 11,000 barrels of oil.

This means over 290,000 barrels of oil per day will be available for the export market.

Uganda’s Energy Minister, Mr. Peter Lokeris, said top secrecy on the country’s oil resources would be kept for security reasons.

Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni said the 30 million Ugandans will be middle-income earners through oil revenue when oil production begins in 2012.

Apart from infrastructural development such as refineries, pipelines and railway lines, the President added, oil production will solve the country’s energy problems.

The refinery to be established in Uganda is expected to process 6 million tonnes of crude oil annually and that will make the country one of the 50 top oil producers in the world.

The five East African countries will therefore have easy access to oil and this will spur oil exploration in the region which used to be a major oil importer over the years.

Tanzania has however discovered natural gas reserves in Songo Songo and Muazi Bay areas while oil exploration is ongoing in Lake Rukwa Basin, Lake Tanganyika and Mandawa Coastal Basin.

Kenya is still unlucky. It has however discovered traces of gas in Isiolo area which might be of little commercial value. Uganda which is blessed with oil fears of oil related conflicts, corruption and over-dependence on oil revenue.

The oil discovery is fueling internal conflict with the indigenous Banyoro tribe accusing the “newcomer” Bakiga tribe of invading its land.Bakiga are considered as newcomers to the Albertine Graben region as they are thought to have arrived in Uganda from Rwanda over 100 years ago.

Their numbers rose significantly after the Second World War due to a series of resettlement schemes that promised them better life and overshot their kin who were fleeing the 1990 Rwanda and Burundi genocide across the border to join them. 

Tension is also mounting between Uganda and Democratic Republic of Congo on the borderline stretch where oil resources have been discovered. Conflicts on oil resources should not arise in the region as we forge ahead with development cooperation.

It is appalling that the Kenyan Security apparatus always picks on the Somali community for collective punishment whenever a member(s) of the community is suspected of involvement in criminal activity. The indiscriminate harassment and arbitrary arrests of Somalis is totally unacceptable.

These colonial era police tactics usually yield nothing in terms of convictions and usually at the end of the day most of those netted in these swoops are innocent individuals. We are all concerned about our security yes but the actions of the security forces leave a lot to be desired. A pastor together with another individual were arrested with bomb making material on Kiambu road on Saturday and this raises a lot more questions than answers about what is going on .

For starters we have not seen police making swoops on Christian communities and making arbitrary arrests now that a pastor has been arrested with bomb making material. If it were an Imam who was arrested with such materials it is a foregone conclusion that hundreds of Muslims would have been arrested for the crime with the justification being that it’s in the interest of security.

Also we have noticed that the media are not referring to this pastor as a terror suspect which for all intents and purposed he is. This is also a case of double standards for if the individual were named Hassan or Hussein we would be hearing of headlines like “terror suspects arrested with bomb making materials”. We commend the police for a job well done bearing in mind that in our opinion if these suspects had succeeded in their evil intentions fingers would have been pointed at the Muslim community.

We in the Muslim community feel that our brothers and sisters from the Somali community are being used as scapegoats for issues in this country. I will give a few examples to back my assertion. There have been many mega scandals that have cost the taxpayer billions in this country. How many of these scandals have been perpetrated by Somalis? None.

There has been massive grabbing of public land and none of it has been done by Somalis in fact on the contrary you hear claims of Somalis buying everything but you hardly hear anyone complain that they have grabbed land. There has been looting of state corporations and inefficiency in the public sector and none of this can be blamed on Somalis either.

On the contrary the only sector of the Kenyan economy that is booming is construction and this is generating employment. Ask the construction workers from Kibera if they have an issue with Somalis and the answer will be in the negative. Ask the shoppers who descend on Eastleigh every single day about the bargain prices they get there on all sorts of goods and items and they wont have anything to complain about when it comes to Somalis. Granted there are a few criminals amongst the Somali’s but this is true in every community and it is not justifiable to cast a whole community in a negative light due to the actions of a few. We don’t do this for members of other faiths and communities in Kenya so why should this be the case with the Somali community. This is nothing but double standards and hypocrisy.

Historically the Somali community in Kenya was marginalized and I remember when I was in primary school we used to be told that Somalis don’t like going to school and other biased pronouncements. By and large we must give credit where credit is due and the simple fact is that members of the Somali community started engaging in business many years ago and people dismissed them as illiterates and today when they are reaping the fruits of their hard work bearing in mind where they come from we should stop making negative assumptions about them.

Yes we agree that there is piracy in the Indian ocean but this has only come to the fore in the last 3 years yet Eastleigh was doing booming business since the early 90’s and it is simply ridiculous to claim that Eastleigh is growing because of piracy money. Were the Ladies who started Garissa lodge to continue just being small traders only? Yet today they have grown and expanded into other sectors.

There might be piracy money being laundered in Kenya but in the absence of proof it is irresponsible to go around saying piracy money is being laundered in Kenya. How come we seem to forget that there are also claims of money laundering at the Nairobi stock exchange yet I don’t see anybody being stereotyped for it.

Somalis are part and parcel of the Kenyan society like everyone else and they are here to stay

The fighting which occurs in the Somalia especially the capital was not started in 2009 but has continued for two decades now. Because of this the various groups that are fighting have different facets and names for the war which keeps changing now and then.

Various societies in Somalia are disappointed and live in full of fear of explosive war and further displacements. They seem to be asking themselves the questions; what time will this war end? Where is the rest of the large Somalia population? They apparently ask every morning and every afternoon- could we see or hear that there are no soundings of the weapons and its artillery? At what time will the young killer discard the riffles from their shoulders and aloe people to settle down in their residents again? Really these disappointed societies have had to flee their homes, forego their right to properties including the tools of their livelihood such as the necessary food stables.
Yes severely damaged people were the innocent and non fighting groups.

The Islamic religion experts said what is going on in Somalia has nothing to do with religion instead it is a political struggle.

The level of poverty is high with people living on less than 0.5 dollar a day. The impoverished families make the most of the populations in Somalia.

The warring sides are looting and denying help to reach those dying of famine, starvation and malnutrition.

The matter is worsening day after day, it goes without saying that the hard hearted politicians who have no full experiences in good administration and governance also contribute to the suffering of the people. The narrow minded politicians have not still woken up and they are fast asleep.

Eventually the main question is where does Somalia go? And who carries the responsibility of this weakness of people who are not yet ripe for administration?

The young Rodney, who was excellent in debates and athletics, was admitted for undergraduate studies at Queen’s College where he graduated with first-class honours at the University of West Indies, Mona, Jamaica in 1963.

Dr. Rodney, who was prolific in English, French, Spanish and Portuguese languages, aged only 24 years, obtained his PhD at School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

Dr. Rodney taught at University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in 1966-1967, where he strengthened his Pan-African conviction and enhanced his commitment to action.

The scholar returned to alma mater at Mona as a lecturer in the department of history in February 1968. His criticism of the middle class, for its post-independence role in the region, was certain to embarrass the US leaning capitalist administration of Prime Minister Hugh Shearer.

He then left Jamaica in October 1968 to attend a Black Writers Conference in Montreal, Canada, where he was followed by government security agents. He was then banned from returning to the country by Jamaican administration.

DR. Rodney defied the ban and returned to Jamaica on 15 October, 1968, but he was not allowed to get out of the aircraft. Riots in which several people were killed and others injured, occurred on October, 1968, and the riots were then named “Rodney Riots”.

His much-more quoted book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, was published in 1972. For some five years from 1968 Dr. Rodney lectured in Tanzania and influenced intellectuals to promote Pan-Africanism.

In 1974, the harsh and dictatorial government of Forbes Burnham prevented Rodney from taking up the post of professor at the University of Guyana. In early 1975, Dr. Rodney taught at Cornell University’s African Studies and Research Centre in the United States. He visited frequently Grenada in 1979 and 1980.

On 13 June 1980, while he was running for office in Guyana elections, a member of Guyana Defence Force cheated him to use some communication gadgets which killed him. His brother Donald was also seriously injured.

Professor Rodney then left behind his wife Patricia and three children (Shaka, Kanini and Asha).The historian has indeed left behind a legacy of unparalleled academic pursuits and excellence, and challenge to autocratic regimes which are intolerant to new knowledge.

It is shameful that the violence was organized by the YES camp with the blessings of the Maasai leaders who include Cabinet Ministers. This was an act of cowardice since the meeting was a NO rally which was officially booked and authorized.

However, the few hecklers could not deter the “NO” camp as the rally proceeded as scheduled. The few hecklers watched the proceedings from the sidelines of the rally venue while security men deployed on the ground ensured that the rally was not disrupted by the hecklers.

Local politicians cried foul, saying the YES camp had hired the hecklers from outside the area to disrupt the meeting, adding that the Maasai leaders should not be intimidated by the hecklers from educating their people about the draft constitution.

.

The rally which was convened to marshal votes for the NO camp in Maasailand was organized by United Democratic Movement (UDM) Secretary- General Mr. Martin Ole Kamwaro, former Narok South Member of Parliament Mr. Stephen Ole Ntutu, and Mr. Ntimama’s daughter, Leah Ntimama, among others.

The hecklers were led by Mr. Ntimama’s daughter, Lydia Masikonde and local Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) activist Mr. Hosea Ole Nkoile.

Their argument was that Suswa, the venue of the meeting, was a Maasai shrine or sacred historical site, which is reserved for only special traditional ceremonies and meetings.

All the NO leaders who spoke in the rally, who included former President Daniel arap Moi, and Higher Education Minister, Mr. William Ruto, condemned the acts of violence, personality attacks by the YES team and zoning of certain areas for political mileage.

Ms Leah Ntimama invited her sister to join the rest of the Maa community in the crusade of protecting their ancestral rights. She again informed her sister Ms Lydia Ntimama that all Maasai men and women deserve equal treatment and status in the community, and she was not special in any way.

Speaking to the enthusiastic crowd, the former President said the draft constitution was not serving the interests of all Kenyans, singling out the chapter on land which he said would deprive the Maasai of their local resources such as Maasai Mara National Game Reserve and grazing grounds.

Mr. Moi said such a bad constitution which did not have the blessings of all Kenyans should be rejected, adding that a divisive document was not good for the country.

On Saturday last week, Provincial administration and internal security minister Professor George Saitoti convened a YES rally at Ngong centre in Kajiado North District which was attended by several leaders across the country.

 During the meeting, three legislators drawn from the Maasai community opposed the holding of the “NO” campaign rally at Maasai sacred site and historical venue, Suswa.

Culture and Heritage Minister Mr. Ntimama, Defence Assistant Minister Joseph Nkaissery and Narok South Member of Parliament, Mr. Nkoidila Ole Lankas, who fears upcoming politicians in the Maa community, used the meeting to champion and protect their political interests.

In the past, the Maasai leaders used to climb Olongonot, formerly Mt. Suswa, where they prayed to God for good health, rains and bumper harvest for the community.

This is also the venue where the Maa community from Narok, Laikipia, Samburu, Baringo, Kajiado and Trans Mara meet to appease their ancestors and make resolutions which are binding to them.

The politics in Maasailand today revolves on the battle for supremacy .Mr. Ntimama was the undisputed Maasai leader and Kingpin for many years but youthful politicians are also fighting out their way to control the mainstream politics.

The political battle is also for survival in elective politics as 2012 general elections draws closer. Professor Saitoti, the Chairman of Party of National Unity (PNU), eyes the Presidency in 2012. He might be galvanizing the Maa vote for 2012 elections.

The NO camp leaders in Maasailand are also trying their best to outdo the YES camp leaders so as to be front runners in 2012 elections.

Succession politics in the area is ripe and many may want Mr. Ntimama’s blessings since it might be a springboard to good political fortunes in the region.

Whatever one says about Maasai politics, the battle line is already drawn in the region. The 2012 elections in the greater Maasailand will be indeed tricky and competitive.

The current Members of Parliament will no doubt have an uphill task as they defend their seats against the new comers. Time will tell as we approach the 2012 general elections.

May the best win and lead the community to greater heights of prosperity devoid of acts of violence, intolerance, mockery of democracy and full of freedom of speech, movement and association.

But the rise of Al shabab’s star after the split of Islamic Courts Union, has made these concerns sound real, and therefore, opened the door for many possibilities to emerge. The group has been a perennial problem of the day in Somalia. They waged a fierce fight against federal transitional government, imposed harsh brand of Islamic Sharia law on the people in the areas under their control, executed and decapitated a number of people; mostly from different parts of the society, who were accused of being apostates, and opened many centers across the country in which children are indoctrinated and many young untrained recruits are welded into efficient fighting force as well.

Ever since their name came into existence, shortly after the Ethiopian occupation, the group wanted one thing: to get the recognition of Al Qaida, or better to be its affiliates, or the sole representative of it. However, they didn’t pull it off.

Nevertheless, the long-anticipated quest may have come after the synchronized bombings that went off in the Ugandan capital city, Kampala, which had cost the lives of more than 70 people and wounded hundred others. The attack carried characteristically typical fingerprints of Al Qaida which – although many experts say that the group is emerging as an archetypal 21st -century terrorist group that has the capability to mold itself into a more of an international threat-makes us skeptical about the responsibility claimed by Al Shabab. Whatever the case, they have begun foraying strongly into the global stage of terrorism that will give them the credit scores of winning to be adopted into Al Qaida membership for which they relish. The group is predicted to mount its military and ideological allure operations, at least in the near range, with a vengeance than any other time due some reasons best known to all:

First, the government which, is confined in few blocks in the capital city, Mogadishu, and relies heavily on the presence and the protection of AU peace-keeping forces, can neither be expected to live up to the aspiration of its people, nor can it engage itself in the issues that matter most-such as consolidating rule of law, enhancing security and rebuilding infrastructure, let along to conduct a massive counterinsurgency operation that repairs its tarnished image and reconstruct public confidence in it. The government is embroiled in deep-rooted conflict of interests, a rampant venality, inexperienced ministers and parliamentarians and political shenanigans (mostly from Somali Diaspora), all these combined factors, however, paralyzed the functionality of government system. One thing is absolutely crystal clear to everyone who observes the Somali politics, is that it is infested with persons that put their personal interests, or perhaps more precisely, the priority of foreign agendas before grand national priorities. Somalia is a place where individual gaining takes primacy over ever thing else.

Second, the reluctant international community, which was affected by Somali fatigue, let down the government by turning its back on it, because it didn’t meet its promises and pledges to the TFG, though a few have fulfilled what they pledged. Despite the fact that many African countries had, in the beginning, showed their willingness to contribute to AU peace- keeping mission in Somalia, they withheld their forces, either for the receding international community concerns, or fear from being stuck in the Somali political quagmire.

International community should be serious about Somalia and go great lengths to support it, if it wants to address the genuine threat which Al Shabab group poses both at national and international levels, for once localized cancer has metastasized into world crisis as one American official put it, adding that the group has got both support and inspiration from Al Qaida. Al Shabab, therefore, proved to be a group that has to be reckoned with (though it is on a shaky ground).

Yet history is rife with lessons that tell us that a small committed group with home-made bombs can inflict a far-reaching damage on nations that are complacently dependent on sophisticated technology and complex military system, and can lay the groundwork for the dramatic transformation of society.

Seasons change, winds swift directions and a bad situation does not last forever. I hope that- in spite of the grim state and the gloomy future-our seasons will change for better.

ODM was losing ground following poor performance in South Mugirango and Matuga constituencies, and other several civic seats in Rift Valley Province.

The cradle of ODM problems were noticed first in Rift Valley Province. It started immediately in the region after the Grand Coalition Government was formed .The local leaders claimed that the party had failed to reward them and more so it did not assist the youth who were arrested during post-election violence.

The ODM dissenters also claim that the region was given a raw deal when Prime Minister Raila Odinga and President Kibaki appointed Cabinet Ministers. Disagreements over the Waki Report, the need for local tribunal to try the violence suspects or that they be tried at the International Criminal Court at The Hague, fueled further the ODM’s woes and intrigues.

As the debate on the issue raged, the Mau complex conservation generated further cracks. A University of Nairobi political scientist Mr. Adams Oloo said the split in ODM between Raila and his deputy Party Leader William Ruto is a draw back to the party. Munene Macharia of the United States International University (USIU-Kenya) concurs with Mr. Oloo.  

Mr. Macharia noted that in-fighting in ODM has weakened the party and it is no longer the formidable political machine it was in 2007. In Matuga, former Transport Minister, Chirau Ali Mwakwere retained his seat by polling 16,350 votes while ODM candidate Hassan Mwanyoha managed 10,888.

In Rift Valley Province, ODM also lost civic seats in Chepalungu, Ainamoi, Emgwen and Rongai constituencies to the underdog political parties, namely Kanu, National Vision Party and Democratic Party.

Mr. Oloo and Mr. Macharia concur that so long as the Ruto group continues to rebel from within the Party, there will be no room for re-organization to revamp it, adding that poor planning is equally costing the party.

However, the Prime Minister still accepts that the party is still strong in the country’s political landscape. He says that the party is being weakened by selfish power brokers and blames rigging or irregularities during by-elections for the ODM’s political woes.

Whatever is being advanced for or against ODM’s popularity in the political arena, the truth is that the party has lost grip and requires immediately new strategy and tactics. Otherwise, any delay and untruthfulness in the party will unravel in 2012 elections.

ODM is however losing ground in the political landscape if the recent by-elections are anything to go by. The party lost heavily in Matuga parliamentary election and lost several civic seats in Rift Valley province which was one of its strongholds in the last general elections.

However, the Kenyan media concurred that the political rift between Higher Education, Science and Technology Minister, Mr. William Ruto and the Prime Minister Mr. Odinga, has hit very hard the party’s strongholds and disorganized the party’s supporters.

The former ruling party Kanu and the National Vision Party of former Minister Nicholas Biwott unexpectedly scooped civic seats from ODM and rekindled their political hopes which had almost been thrown into the political dustbins.

Another scenario which can easily complicate the run-up to the 2012 elections is the faction of Mr. Ruto. If he comes up with a new political party or joins another political party other than ODM, then the political scenario is bound to change drastically.

The political landscape is also bound to change after the referendum this year when new alliances are expected to shape-up. The youthful politicians will definitely have a bigger say in Kenya’s politics and might axe several old guards across the political divide.

Mr. Odinga, Mr. Kalonzo Musyoka, Mr. Ruto and Ms Martha Karua are obvious contenders for the Presidency in 2012. Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta is yet to declare his stand on the Presidency. Even this year’s general elections in Tanzania and Uganda’s next year

elections might shape Kenya’s politics and political dispensation.

 People in most parts of the world are now going for young leaders and the campaign for generational change in Kenya might influence 2012 general elections. However, it is too early to predict the Kenyan case. The outgoing President is yet to point out his successor or to show his political constituency the political direction to take in two years time.   

The political take is to wait for the unfolding political scenarios. Any serious political analysis cannot be made at the moment.Kanu as political party even resurrected early this week in the by-elections. The current major political parties might be overshadowed by new ones as dictated by the wind of change as we approach 2012 general elections.

Please look at the case of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC). It swept Kanu out of power in 2002 general elections but it disintegrated within one year. It has only three Members of Parliament in the 10^th parliament. May the best party and candidate win.